Below is summary of James Finies article in the commemoration book published on 15th December 2024 : 70 years Charter of the Kingdom of the Netherlands: Lust of Last? compiled by: Rene Zwart and Glenn Thode
The Dutch Kingdom's Statute, signed in 1954, played a pivotal role in the Netherlands Antilles' removal from the United Nations' list of non-self-governing territories. This strategic move, executed on December 15, 1955, was not about granting the territories true autonomy, as was claimed, but about consolidating Dutch control and ending international oversight of their decolonization. Despite claims of achieving full self-government, the territories, including Bonaire, had not met the UN’s standards for decolonization.
The Netherlands succeeded in its goal of having the Antilles removed from the UN list, claiming they had achieved autonomy. However, many UN members, such as Uruguay, rejected this assertion, noting that the territories still lacked true self-government. These countries left open the possibility for future decolonization efforts. The Statute, designed to resemble a failed model for Indonesia, became a tool for the Netherlands to maintain control, dividing the Antilles and ensuring unequal political representation, particularly giving Curaçao and Aruba disproportionate power in the Netherlands Antilles parliament.
This political maneuver was part of a broader effort by the Dutch government to suppress independence movements across the Caribbean. Key figures advocating for decolonization were silenced through political manipulation, legal actions, and even assassination. Leaders like Helmin Wiels and Betico Croes were either marginalized or met untimely deaths, with the death of Croes remaining suspicious to this day. Meanwhile, Aruba’s push for self-governance culminated in a 1977 referendum where 95% of voters supported independence, further highlighting the growing dissatisfaction with the status quo.
The Statute, despite being presented as a step toward autonomy, was not a true form of self-determination for the Antilles. Instead, it became a colonial reform that allowed the Netherlands to maintain control over its territories, particularly through a skewed allocation of political power.
Bonaire's situation worsened on October 10, 2010, when the island was unilaterally transitioned from being part of the Netherlands Antilles to a public entity under Dutch sovereignty. This change violated Bonaire’s right to self-determination, despite a 2015 referendum in which the island’s population rejected the shift. The Netherlands proceeded with annexation, disregarding the democratic choice of Bonaireans.
James Finies has passionately fought for the urgent relisting of Bonaire as a non-self-governing territory under the United Nations, emphasizing the critical need to protect the island’s cultural identity and self-determination.
Dr. Carlyle Corbin’s recent *Bonaire Self-Governance Assessment* critiques the 2010 transition, noting that it has perpetuated political, economic, and social inequalities on the island. The report highlights significant disparities, including lower political rights and social benefits for Bonaireans compared to mainland Dutch citizens. Corbin argues that the governance model imposed on Bonaire reflects colonial-era practices, disguised as democracy, and perpetuates a racialized, unequal system.
In light of these findings, Bonaire's relisting as a non-self-governing territory under the UN is to protect and safeguard its cultural identity and autonomy. This call for relisting underscores the ongoing struggle for true decolonization and self-determination for Bonaire and other territories within the Dutch Kingdom. Despite the promises of the Statute, the legacy of colonialism continues to impact these islands, hindering their ability to chart a course toward genuine freedom and equality.
www.bonairehumanrights.org
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